Address to the French by One who is Blind
1 2021-04-19T17:46:39+00:00 Newberry DIS 09980eb76a145ec4f3814f3b9fb45f381b3d1f02 20 1 plain 2021-04-19T17:46:39+00:00 Newberry DIS 09980eb76a145ec4f3814f3b9fb45f381b3d1f02The Address to the French by One who is Blind was published in June 1789 by Madame Olympe de Gouges (1748-1793), a French author, playwright and social reformer, as a call to action to the deputies representing the three estates, or orders, of the newly-formed National Assembly, shortly before the fall of the Bastille galvanized the French Revolution. She exhorts the deputies, who were meeting at Versailles, to put aside their personal interests in order to work together for the common good of the French people. She takes particular aim at the clergy, who she feels should act as mediators for the other two orders, the nobility and the people, or the Third Estate. She is supportive of the king, Louis XVI, as a father to his people. She also acknowledges the “wise” men among those representing the Third Estate, especially Mr. Bailly, who had been named president of the National Assembly. Madame de Gouges also argues in support of Mr. Jacques Necker and Mr. Charles Alexandre de Calonne, and their contributions to the French government’s shortcomings. She urges citizens to cherish their monarchy. The final pages of this document deal with her works as she takes ownership of them, as well as moderating her bias towards these two men. Throughout this pamphlet, Madame de Gouges brings up her identity as a female writer and the unease it causes to men and the rest of French society, especially those in government positions.
by One who is Blind
By Mme. De Gouges
Translated by Pedro Antonino, Linda Burt, Lina Chouai, Ann Marie Klingenhagen
Destiny has robbed me of enlightenment; I have groped around for the truth. I thought it necessary in these momentous times to put it once more before the eyes of the French.
My Letter to the People1 was my first attempt, & in time became a masterpiece; it calmed minds; it filled the hearts of the French with the love & respect they have always had for their sovereign; all citizens were soon quoting it. It is, assuredly, neither my extensive knowledge nor my talent for writing that is noteworthy, but its simple patriotism which is the sole virtue of that work.
The Patriotic Remarks2 which I have published were no less
1. Lettre au peuple, ou projet d’une caisse patriotique, par une Citoyenne: “Letter to the People, or project of a patriotic pouch, by a Citizeness” is a pamphlet published by Mme. De Gouges in 1788. – TRANS.
2. Remarques patriotiques: “Patriotic Remarks,” published by Mme. De Gouges in 1788. – TRANS.
successful, but The Primitive Happiness of Man3, which closely followed this second work, attracted a legion of critics. Jealousy has stuck to me like leeches on a person’s skin. Creating a philosophical work -- which is the purview of wise men & philosophers -- this undertaking has exposed me to the harshest criticism; whatever may be this criticism, whatever may be the weakness of my sex, it cannot be denied that in The Primitive Happiness there are great truths which are now becoming too much a reality, perhaps to the misfortune of France.
This Primitive Happiness offers lessons to all men; but they think themselves too clever, they believe that they have no more to learn, especially from a woman, who knows nothing of value.
If learning rendered men better & more reasonable, I would regret not having been educated; but since my ignorance awakens in me all virtues, I applaud myself for having none of the enlightenment of men.
Let me therefore be regarded as one who is blind, whom nature has always taken care
3. Le Bonheur primitif de l’homme: “The Primitive Happiness of Man,” published by Mme. De Gouges in 1789. – TRANS.
This Primitive Happiness offers lessons to all men; but they think themselves too clever, they believe that they have no more to learn, especially from a woman, who knows nothing of value.
If learning rendered men better & more reasonable, I would regret not having been educated; but since my ignorance awakens in me all virtues, I applaud myself for having none of the enlightenment of men.
Let me therefore be regarded as one who is blind, whom nature has always taken care
3. Le Bonheur primitif de l’homme: “The Primitive Happiness of Man,” published by Mme. De Gouges in 1789. – TRANS.
to guide; with the help of this caring mother, I will speak to the French on this matter for the seventh & last time.
I preach the good to an illustrious people; I shall speak again in favor of my country, & may my zeal & my love for her bring the French back to fraternal union.
I have already attacked their frivolity; I have waged war against the corruption of morals; I have not spared women.
When illness requires prompt & effective remedies, a good doctor goes right to his purpose, & does not complicate his prescription with ambiguous & obsequious phrases; his eagerness to cure his patient guides his pen.
The desire to bring together minds & to direct them to the common good has guided me; neither calumny nor duplicity have been able to discourage me. Nothing can deter me from the path I have set upon. That is my justification; these are my shortcomings, more powerful than any argument, because they emerge from a source that predates my age of reason. This zeal & patriotism, in this circumstance, are not out of place, at least so I believe.
I preach the good to an illustrious people; I shall speak again in favor of my country, & may my zeal & my love for her bring the French back to fraternal union.
I have already attacked their frivolity; I have waged war against the corruption of morals; I have not spared women.
When illness requires prompt & effective remedies, a good doctor goes right to his purpose, & does not complicate his prescription with ambiguous & obsequious phrases; his eagerness to cure his patient guides his pen.
The desire to bring together minds & to direct them to the common good has guided me; neither calumny nor duplicity have been able to discourage me. Nothing can deter me from the path I have set upon. That is my justification; these are my shortcomings, more powerful than any argument, because they emerge from a source that predates my age of reason. This zeal & patriotism, in this circumstance, are not out of place, at least so I believe.
What does it matter to the king, what does it matter to the afflicted citizens, what does it matter to the people in distress whether they deliberate by head or by order? Oh! Gentlemen, deliberate as you think proper, individually, together, in all ways; but deliberate at least in the public interest, & then you may deliberate for your own aims.
But what is painful to acknowledge, & which falls on men who
4. The author refers to the National Assembly, which was formed on June 17, 1789, essentially replacing the Estates General after it became deadlocked. It included the deputies of the Third Estate and some of the more liberal clergy and nobles. Eventually this body became the legislative branch of the government and pledged to write a constitution for the country. – TRANS.
5. Created under the Ancien Régime (“Old Regime”), the Estates General was convened in times of crisis by the king. It consisted of three orders, or estates: the nobility [First Estate], the clergy [Second Estate], and the Third Estate, who in principle represented the common people. King Louis XVI convened the Estates General in 1789 to address the financial crisis and discontent among the different classes about the function of government. – TRANS.
6. Debate by “order or by head”: The distribution of deputies by order was not proportional to the population in general. Voting was by order, not by head, which heavily favored the clergy and the nobility. As each order only had one vote, the Third Estate sought to require votes to be taken by head (one vote for each deputy). This would have put them on a more equal footing because they constituted just over 50% of the deputies. This proposal did not pass. – TRANS.
cannot be accused without tarnishing a sacred trust, is the indifference of the clergy, their lack of effort to bring together the two lay orders for the common good.
How can these fathers of the church, these consolers of the afflicted, these ministers of peace, whose only charge consists in sustaining the foundations of religion, see the debates of the nobility & the Third Estate without becoming their mediators? Does the religion of the Estates General absolve them from following their religious precepts? No! Religion & the clergy desire only the good of the people, & protection of the state; let us rather believe that the clergy is working seriously in their hearts for a way to soon bring the two orders together; may this flattering hope dispel our fears, & may every good citizen be armed with a newfound courage.
If they should fail in their attempts, if the three orders should continue to work in their own interests, if they do not come together to deliberate in the interests of the people, on the principal purposes of government, & on the nature of the taxes that must be imposed to
How can these fathers of the church, these consolers of the afflicted, these ministers of peace, whose only charge consists in sustaining the foundations of religion, see the debates of the nobility & the Third Estate without becoming their mediators? Does the religion of the Estates General absolve them from following their religious precepts? No! Religion & the clergy desire only the good of the people, & protection of the state; let us rather believe that the clergy is working seriously in their hearts for a way to soon bring the two orders together; may this flattering hope dispel our fears, & may every good citizen be armed with a newfound courage.
If they should fail in their attempts, if the three orders should continue to work in their own interests, if they do not come together to deliberate in the interests of the people, on the principal purposes of government, & on the nature of the taxes that must be imposed to
pay the national debt, I predict that the authority of the king, as the ultimate legislator of the law, would be compelled to impose his higher power. What a cruel end for the wisest of monarchs! What a dire necessity for the best of fathers: to save his children, he would go down with them.
PART TWO The Third Estate has just asserted authority & proposes to go forward. These are newborn pygmies who have just taken a giant step; they will become, in effect, all powerful if they do not provoke lightning or storms; if the nobility & the clergy, without losing either their rights or their dignity, contribute to a decrease in the burden of the state, offer relief to it, pay like the rest of the citizens; but the grander & bolder the undertaking, the greater the difficulties that will pass before the eyes of the wise.
The foundations of the French monarchy are such that they cannot be changed without pulling apart the state, the throne, & the well-being of its citizens.
Fourteen centuries of work have only
The foundations of the French monarchy are such that they cannot be changed without pulling apart the state, the throne, & the well-being of its citizens.
Fourteen centuries of work have only
improved its sound constitution; yet it is proposed that it be changed, & we are assured, in this age of egoism, that our grandchildren will applaud themselves for this revolution; what times these are! what customs! what spirit! so that our descendants may congratulate themselves for having had us as fathers. These are irons that we forge for them, & Frenchmen burdened with chains will be no less frivolous as long as they are French.
So why, then, when we must take care of pressing concerns, think of future ones for those who will no doubt conduct themselves better than we do? Let the nation work only to remedy those ills that worsen every day. Businesses ruined, poorly rendered justice, the worker lacking work, the poor lacking alms, the rich lacking humanity, the merchant who robs or is robbed, each refusing to pay; banknotes lacking in value, the exorbitant discount taken on the banknotes, the kingdom laid waste of grain, general disorder & profound misery: there you have, I think, more than enough ills which
So why, then, when we must take care of pressing concerns, think of future ones for those who will no doubt conduct themselves better than we do? Let the nation work only to remedy those ills that worsen every day. Businesses ruined, poorly rendered justice, the worker lacking work, the poor lacking alms, the rich lacking humanity, the merchant who robs or is robbed, each refusing to pay; banknotes lacking in value, the exorbitant discount taken on the banknotes, the kingdom laid waste of grain, general disorder & profound misery: there you have, I think, more than enough ills which
should in all seriousness focus the attention of the Estates General.
But is it in the midst of a frivolous public that one must accomplish an essential task?7 The Third Estate wants to imitate the English in every way, without considering that what works for the English makes the French look foolish. Therefore, they ought not to conceal the fact that they should make their meetings less public, except on days when the King & the Ministers are in attendance.
It would be a shame for this order, which possesses some truly wise men, if these meetings, tumultuous & full of disarray, were to deprive them of the chance to present their observations.
The women who fill the courtyard every day have already crossed the gates; they will soon reach the benches of the deputies; we say it, we promise it & I fear it.
Those who are endowed with the gift of eloquence & a soothing voice will hold forth incessantly for the public to be admitted to their meetings, & especially the women. One often hears a celebrated orator request the floor, persuaded that the public will listen to him attentively, but at the same time he forgets that if he makes a poor
7. Open or closed sessions: by custom and proclamation the National Assembly’s deliberative sessions were open to the public. Mme. De Gouges suggests that it would be more effective if at least some sessions were closed to the public. – TRANS.
But is it in the midst of a frivolous public that one must accomplish an essential task?7 The Third Estate wants to imitate the English in every way, without considering that what works for the English makes the French look foolish. Therefore, they ought not to conceal the fact that they should make their meetings less public, except on days when the King & the Ministers are in attendance.
It would be a shame for this order, which possesses some truly wise men, if these meetings, tumultuous & full of disarray, were to deprive them of the chance to present their observations.
The women who fill the courtyard every day have already crossed the gates; they will soon reach the benches of the deputies; we say it, we promise it & I fear it.
Those who are endowed with the gift of eloquence & a soothing voice will hold forth incessantly for the public to be admitted to their meetings, & especially the women. One often hears a celebrated orator request the floor, persuaded that the public will listen to him attentively, but at the same time he forgets that if he makes a poor
7. Open or closed sessions: by custom and proclamation the National Assembly’s deliberative sessions were open to the public. Mme. De Gouges suggests that it would be more effective if at least some sessions were closed to the public. – TRANS.
job of it, he will only appear foolish.
Insults, puns, sarcasm must be banned from this assembly. A noble & decent comportment must conform to their functions, & the Third Estate will in this way attain the distinction of the second learned assembly in the world, from which will come forth maxims & ideas that will forever be an example to the universe. It has at its head a man of influence & merit, who has among his talents the reputation of an honest man, & who once again captivates the attention of the public. He fulfills his role with a stately zeal, his tone is always noble, decent, & never inappropriate under trying circumstances, which can only add to the glory & general esteem in which Mr. Bailly8 has long been held.
As for Mr. M...9, whose genius & aptitude one admires, could we not make some remarks to him? Could he be bothered by the insights of a woman who only aims to do him the justice he is due? She suffers to see that the best penman of France, the most
8. Astronomer, mathematician, scientist, member of the literary Académie Française and the Académie des Sciences, Jean-Sylvain Bailly (1736-1793) was elected to be a deputy to the Estates General by the Paris electors and was well respected by all sides. – TRANS.
9. The identity of “Mr. M.” is unclear in the text. The author only mentions him in this paragraph and abbreviates his name to “M. M….” – TRANS.
Insults, puns, sarcasm must be banned from this assembly. A noble & decent comportment must conform to their functions, & the Third Estate will in this way attain the distinction of the second learned assembly in the world, from which will come forth maxims & ideas that will forever be an example to the universe. It has at its head a man of influence & merit, who has among his talents the reputation of an honest man, & who once again captivates the attention of the public. He fulfills his role with a stately zeal, his tone is always noble, decent, & never inappropriate under trying circumstances, which can only add to the glory & general esteem in which Mr. Bailly8 has long been held.
As for Mr. M...9, whose genius & aptitude one admires, could we not make some remarks to him? Could he be bothered by the insights of a woman who only aims to do him the justice he is due? She suffers to see that the best penman of France, the most
8. Astronomer, mathematician, scientist, member of the literary Académie Française and the Académie des Sciences, Jean-Sylvain Bailly (1736-1793) was elected to be a deputy to the Estates General by the Paris electors and was well respected by all sides. – TRANS.
9. The identity of “Mr. M.” is unclear in the text. The author only mentions him in this paragraph and abbreviates his name to “M. M….” – TRANS.
eloquent of men, does not always make good use of qualities as rare & as precious. Without a doubt, if Mr. M.... were to ever work on his character, if he were to dismiss the inconsistencies of the French mind, & if he were to finally use his pen for the good, one day a statue would be erected in his honor. To tell the truth, without sycophancy towards the men who have made themselves formidable, is to expose oneself, I know; but should I let their resentment cause me problems? The love of good prevails over fear, & my sole goal is to make the French people illustrious & useful to their country.
Sincerity is not always welcomed, although it is very useful to man. I was reprimanded for having spoken too frankly of Mr. Necker10.
I know how to respect the men in power, but I know not how to betray them, for to praise their errors is to deceive them.
Ministers generally prefer flattery over sincerity; this favor at times is fatal to honest & charitable ministers. Mr. Necker is familiar with this unfortunate experience.
The public changes its opinion from one moment to the next, & in the end they blame what
10. Jacques Necker (1732-1804) was a Swiss banker who became a statesman and the finance minister to Louis XVI. He was instrumental in the creation of the political and social conditions that led up to the French Revolution. – TRANS.
Sincerity is not always welcomed, although it is very useful to man. I was reprimanded for having spoken too frankly of Mr. Necker10.
I know how to respect the men in power, but I know not how to betray them, for to praise their errors is to deceive them.
Ministers generally prefer flattery over sincerity; this favor at times is fatal to honest & charitable ministers. Mr. Necker is familiar with this unfortunate experience.
The public changes its opinion from one moment to the next, & in the end they blame what
10. Jacques Necker (1732-1804) was a Swiss banker who became a statesman and the finance minister to Louis XVI. He was instrumental in the creation of the political and social conditions that led up to the French Revolution. – TRANS.
they once upheld in their zeal. Naturally inconstant, once the public sees things for what they truly are, they are more severe than enthusiastic. It is often this public support that places men into positions of power & likewise deprives them of it when the public changes its favor into ingratitude.
When I claimed to bring together Mr. de Calonne11 & Mr. Necker, I had only my country’s well-being in mind. For quite some time, we have wanted to know of the conducts of Mr. de Calonne & Mr. Necker. One of the two, they say, is responsible for the failure of France, at least that is the opinion of the two opposing parties. I, being of no party, I who neither directly nor indirectly know M. de Calonne or M. Necker, believe them both innocent, & furthermore, I would consider them both suitable to correct everything. Is it possible that I wounded the virtues, the integrity of Mr. Necker, by proposing to him the means to become immortal? Can we not agree that if Mr. Necker asked Mr. de Calonne, this fine action would crown all his virtues?
It is asserted that Mr. de Calonne has burdened
11. Charles Alexandre de Calonne (1734-1802), also known as the “Count of Hanonville”, was a French statesman whose reputation plummeted after he had attempted to reform taxes in 1787. He was exiled after its failure. – TRANS.
When I claimed to bring together Mr. de Calonne11 & Mr. Necker, I had only my country’s well-being in mind. For quite some time, we have wanted to know of the conducts of Mr. de Calonne & Mr. Necker. One of the two, they say, is responsible for the failure of France, at least that is the opinion of the two opposing parties. I, being of no party, I who neither directly nor indirectly know M. de Calonne or M. Necker, believe them both innocent, & furthermore, I would consider them both suitable to correct everything. Is it possible that I wounded the virtues, the integrity of Mr. Necker, by proposing to him the means to become immortal? Can we not agree that if Mr. Necker asked Mr. de Calonne, this fine action would crown all his virtues?
It is asserted that Mr. de Calonne has burdened
11. Charles Alexandre de Calonne (1734-1802), also known as the “Count of Hanonville”, was a French statesman whose reputation plummeted after he had attempted to reform taxes in 1787. He was exiled after its failure. – TRANS.
the finances with debt; but if it is proven that he has multiplied the expenses only in accordance with the needs of the government, it seems to me that he would be justified of having done so.
A minister does not command, he only obeys, & he is often at a kiss as to how to work for the good of the people & of the state.
What I find most unjust on the part of the French in regard to Mr. de Calonne, is that they have judged him as a criminal who fled to the enemy to avoid a punishment prepared for him. If the citizens had enjoyed the liberty of being sheltered from surprises as they do now, without a doubt Mr. de Calonne would never have gone into exile. When one has everything to fear for himself, & still more for his innocence, the great man avoids dangerous traps, & awaits with courage the circumstance that will put his conduct in the greatest light.
Did not Mr. de Calonne appear in France when the meeting of the Estates-General was getting closer, a time when he must have believed the liberty of the citizens to be secure, & where he had everything to fear had been guilty. He came in person to put himself in the
A minister does not command, he only obeys, & he is often at a kiss as to how to work for the good of the people & of the state.
What I find most unjust on the part of the French in regard to Mr. de Calonne, is that they have judged him as a criminal who fled to the enemy to avoid a punishment prepared for him. If the citizens had enjoyed the liberty of being sheltered from surprises as they do now, without a doubt Mr. de Calonne would never have gone into exile. When one has everything to fear for himself, & still more for his innocence, the great man avoids dangerous traps, & awaits with courage the circumstance that will put his conduct in the greatest light.
Did not Mr. de Calonne appear in France when the meeting of the Estates-General was getting closer, a time when he must have believed the liberty of the citizens to be secure, & where he had everything to fear had been guilty. He came in person to put himself in the
hands of the nation; a populace of seditious instigators, forced Mr. de Calonne to go back abroad.
May the Estates General call for him, he will become sacred in the eyes of the people, they will take note of his conduct, the nation cannot refuse to judge a man when this man himself demands justice.
Everything unfolded against him; I myself followed for a long time the public momentum; but when I learned of his conduct, his ability & of his merit, I knew that there was no better way to recognize my error than to do justice to Mr. de Calonne. Again, I realized that, for envy, nothing is easier than beating down a man when he has already fallen; but, if he is innocent, if he is exposed to defamation, let us give him the means to pick himself up, then we will be able to distinguish the duplicity of truth. This is what I submit to the nation for judgement; the nation will know not to blame me for having defended an outcast, a great minister, a true man of state, & who appears innocent to me. I do not intend to justify him; it is solely up to Mr. de Calonne to disculpate himself in the eyes of the nation. If Mr. Necker were
May the Estates General call for him, he will become sacred in the eyes of the people, they will take note of his conduct, the nation cannot refuse to judge a man when this man himself demands justice.
Everything unfolded against him; I myself followed for a long time the public momentum; but when I learned of his conduct, his ability & of his merit, I knew that there was no better way to recognize my error than to do justice to Mr. de Calonne. Again, I realized that, for envy, nothing is easier than beating down a man when he has already fallen; but, if he is innocent, if he is exposed to defamation, let us give him the means to pick himself up, then we will be able to distinguish the duplicity of truth. This is what I submit to the nation for judgement; the nation will know not to blame me for having defended an outcast, a great minister, a true man of state, & who appears innocent to me. I do not intend to justify him; it is solely up to Mr. de Calonne to disculpate himself in the eyes of the nation. If Mr. Necker were
in his place, I would have spoken about him with the same candor. That is my character; & never will you see me grovel at the feet of great men, nor solicit the favors of ministers. I could perhaps ask them for the acts of generosity that I deserve, but always by means other than those of protection. If I do not succeed, I will change neither my maxims, nor my style, nor my character. Nature has invested in me the same pride & courage as that of a brave man.
At times, I stop myself because of what the public says; but seeing as I enjoy looking for the truth, I find that often the public adopts false impressions that even common sense & reason cannot get rid of.
Inventor of infamies, a criminal woman, a monster that appears to have been vomited onto Earth by Hell, writes an absurd novel, she fills it with as many implausible scenarios as she can; raised in shame, lapsing into crime, & having evaded the hands of the executioner, she escapes from the infamy, flees to the country of the English, & there finds asylum.
She supports her novel with the audacity of crime, without being able to give it the color of truth. This grand truth, which
At times, I stop myself because of what the public says; but seeing as I enjoy looking for the truth, I find that often the public adopts false impressions that even common sense & reason cannot get rid of.
Inventor of infamies, a criminal woman, a monster that appears to have been vomited onto Earth by Hell, writes an absurd novel, she fills it with as many implausible scenarios as she can; raised in shame, lapsing into crime, & having evaded the hands of the executioner, she escapes from the infamy, flees to the country of the English, & there finds asylum.
She supports her novel with the audacity of crime, without being able to give it the color of truth. This grand truth, which
always controls the greatest of criminals, had not yet pulled off the thick blindfold that error has placed over the eyes of a certain number of Frenchmen. But, in order to convince oneself by means more powerful than those of all reasoning, let us read this dreadful & pitiful memoir, & the torch of truth will instantly make wisdom clear to all citizens.
Nevertheless, a noble princess is overwhelmed by this error; she laments in private about this blindness, she does not know nor can she define the motives that overcame her initial kindness, generosities as constant as they were popular; wife & mother of the French, she has always cherished this nation.
Could a gay youth, lively & affable, could it have attracted this change? How could deception make one believe that a princess raised according to all the principles of the greatest virtues, seated on the first throne of the world, would abandon it in order to cover herself in shame? Having nothing to desire, unable to do anything but good, is it not more than absurd to have imagined it? It would be like
Nevertheless, a noble princess is overwhelmed by this error; she laments in private about this blindness, she does not know nor can she define the motives that overcame her initial kindness, generosities as constant as they were popular; wife & mother of the French, she has always cherished this nation.
Could a gay youth, lively & affable, could it have attracted this change? How could deception make one believe that a princess raised according to all the principles of the greatest virtues, seated on the first throne of the world, would abandon it in order to cover herself in shame? Having nothing to desire, unable to do anything but good, is it not more than absurd to have imagined it? It would be like
saying that the sun will take the place of the night, so as to take from the Earth the treasures which its presence bestows during the day.
Who will be able to doubt this authentic truth? who will be able to believe that a tender mother, a cherished wife does not prefer the safety of her France to that which has become unknown to her?
Behold that of which the wise are convinced, but the people are unaware.
It is necessary to teach the people: at the very least, it is just that good citizens teach the people that their first duty is to cherish their princes, to respect them, & to believe that they want nothing more than their happiness, that they lament when they lose its friendship, that they are more slaves of the supreme power than the last of their subjects. Unable to justify themselves in order to recover it, unable to show themselves in public like the rest of men, oftentimes the people are unaware of the effects of their great virtue, & see only the faults that deception has created. I don’t know what interest can justify this deception; for the genius of man is so perverse that when he is leaning towards evil, he would not only separate, without any interest, people from
Who will be able to doubt this authentic truth? who will be able to believe that a tender mother, a cherished wife does not prefer the safety of her France to that which has become unknown to her?
Behold that of which the wise are convinced, but the people are unaware.
It is necessary to teach the people: at the very least, it is just that good citizens teach the people that their first duty is to cherish their princes, to respect them, & to believe that they want nothing more than their happiness, that they lament when they lose its friendship, that they are more slaves of the supreme power than the last of their subjects. Unable to justify themselves in order to recover it, unable to show themselves in public like the rest of men, oftentimes the people are unaware of the effects of their great virtue, & see only the faults that deception has created. I don’t know what interest can justify this deception; for the genius of man is so perverse that when he is leaning towards evil, he would not only separate, without any interest, people from
their sovereigns, but he would also, if he could, the four elements together against all of nature.
It is as such that I judge the wicked; it is as such that I line myself up with justice, with innocence & with those who are persecuted. I dare believe that my opinion will not be rejected. If I had a single doubt about anything I am proposing, I would never had declared myself the author of my works.
I hope that the nation will welcome some of them, that it will let me choose among its members, deputies that will not completely reject outright the thought of passing motions concerning the works of a woman.
The patriotic tax, perhaps, deserves a motion in some form or another; which would without a doubt incite the eloquence of one of these celebrated orators. Taxes on luxury goods, such as I indicate in my Patriotic Remarks, would interest the wisest in the assembly. Isn’t patriotic theater, in The Primitive Happiness, not useful in purifying behavior? & I leave that one to the protector of women.
The good of my country, the success of its projects, those are my desires; they are
It is as such that I judge the wicked; it is as such that I line myself up with justice, with innocence & with those who are persecuted. I dare believe that my opinion will not be rejected. If I had a single doubt about anything I am proposing, I would never had declared myself the author of my works.
I hope that the nation will welcome some of them, that it will let me choose among its members, deputies that will not completely reject outright the thought of passing motions concerning the works of a woman.
The patriotic tax, perhaps, deserves a motion in some form or another; which would without a doubt incite the eloquence of one of these celebrated orators. Taxes on luxury goods, such as I indicate in my Patriotic Remarks, would interest the wisest in the assembly. Isn’t patriotic theater, in The Primitive Happiness, not useful in purifying behavior? & I leave that one to the protector of women.
The good of my country, the success of its projects, those are my desires; they are
so lofty, they are so high, that I cannot form any others.
Behold the third & last part of my address: let it give back hearing to the deaf, sight to those who do not see clearly, & good speech to poisonous tongues!
I must await indulgence from my nation; I must believe that one will not stop at the oversights of style; the speed & zeal with which I published these seven works must be my excuse in their eyes. The Dialogue Between Truth & France, The Wiseman’s Cry, the Pressing Opinion & the last written work, composed in a rush, & part of it at the printmaker’s, explain the innumerable mistakes which must have slipped into the pages.
Circumstance necessitates that I provide proof of the danger to which a just impression can infringe on an individual.
It is said within the Estates General, & in all of Versailles, that I go after Mr. Necker, even in the halls of the castle: Let me state that I have never seen this minister, & that I do not have any type of relationship with him. This story, devised by a corrupted imagination,
Behold the third & last part of my address: let it give back hearing to the deaf, sight to those who do not see clearly, & good speech to poisonous tongues!
I must await indulgence from my nation; I must believe that one will not stop at the oversights of style; the speed & zeal with which I published these seven works must be my excuse in their eyes. The Dialogue Between Truth & France, The Wiseman’s Cry, the Pressing Opinion & the last written work, composed in a rush, & part of it at the printmaker’s, explain the innumerable mistakes which must have slipped into the pages.
Circumstance necessitates that I provide proof of the danger to which a just impression can infringe on an individual.
It is said within the Estates General, & in all of Versailles, that I go after Mr. Necker, even in the halls of the castle: Let me state that I have never seen this minister, & that I do not have any type of relationship with him. This story, devised by a corrupted imagination,
must fall back on the author, like the gross lies that aim to take from me the ownership of my writings. This injustice makes me take my name out of darkness; & if an author can claim one meaning, one thought, I declare myself in an instant unworthy of writing. But if everything belongs to me, I therefore have some merit, & isn’t this gleam of pride quite forgivable for having been created by the injustice of my detractors?
View digitized pamphlet
View digitized pamphlet
This page has paths:
- 1 2021-04-19T17:46:40+00:00 Newberry DIS 09980eb76a145ec4f3814f3b9fb45f381b3d1f02 Translating the French Revolution (DePaul University) Newberry DIS 1 plain 2021-04-19T17:46:40+00:00 Newberry DIS 09980eb76a145ec4f3814f3b9fb45f381b3d1f02